So, which year are we in? The White House occupant, after months of tacit encouragement, has ultimately stepped in to halt an Israeli military offensive that has reduced large areas of a city in the Middle East to rubble, resulting in numerous individuals deceased and sparking worldwide anger.
The campaign has been preceded by a succession of strikes on the Israeli nation. Now, under pressure from American leadership, the Israeli prime minister, a right-leaning figure with a talent for populist rhetoric and a strong feeling of Zionist historical purpose, has approved a halt in hostilities.
The year is not 2025, but the early 1980s. The city is not the Gaza Strip, but Beirut. The US leader is Ronald Reagan, not today's leadership.
There are many differences between the events in Lebanon over four in the past and what has happened in Palestinian territories in the past two years. The Hamas raid of recent times, which resulted in 1,200 and included 250 seized, differs significantly with the relatively paltry actions of the Palestine Liberation Organization in the year or so before Israel's invasion of Lebanon.
Some are uncanny. The president ultimately made the call the counterpart, telling him that what was happening in Beirut was "a holocaust" and saying the diplomatic ties between their nations could be seriously harmed if the conflict continued.
During that period, much as today, the fighting played out in real time on millions of screens. Numerous journalists traveled to Beirut to report on for the premier occasion an Middle Eastern conflict without information control by any party.
The situation following the communication from the US president and the ceasefire in Beirut is revealing. The liberation movement, its factions and officials were scattered across vast distances and a various states.
Washington then pulled out multinational troops – an infringement of the understanding with PLO leadership. Bashir Gemayel, the nation's freshly appointed president and Israel's chosen ally, was murdered by Damascus operatives.
The same was true across the wider Middle East. By the end of the 1970s, the more secular and modern approaches that had appeared to provide the promise of a different tomorrow in the regional countries previously were weakened.
The consequences of this were quickly apparent, almost immediately
In various nations, Israel and the America now confronted enemies who were significantly more unyielding, lethal and efficient than the progressive groups and nationalists of earlier years.
In the west, the results of this were unexpected. During the seventies, western analysts and policymakers had attempted to comprehend what led to militant radicalism.
Subsequently, in the beginning of that decade, this stopped. Government officials in the United States, the UK and other nations were lost interest in "root causes" of conflict.
Recently, reports indicate that today's officials told government representatives that the state could not confront global opinion and acknowledged national hopes for a sovereign entity.
This too was an parallel of historical precedent. In the consequence of the armed entry of Lebanon, past government told Israel that the capability of its armed forces alone could not "achieve just and lasting peace" and acknowledged "proper claims of the Palestinian population."
Yet a American-sponsored diplomatic initiative supposed to address those complaints stalled completely. Abroad, Palestinian leadership watched impotently.
Worldwide concern in the area diminished. Israel resisted any concessions. Later, there was the initial uprising, and the founding of additional militant groups.
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